Hitler. 1936-1945: Nemesis полностью

45. Hoffmann, Stauffenberg, ch. 1–2; Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh, Secret Germany: Claus von Stauffenberg and the Mystical Crusade against Hitler, London, 1994, ch.5; and see Mosse, 209–11; and Roon, Widerstand, 180.

46. Hoffmann, Stauffenberg, 115–16.

47. Hoffmann, Stauffenberg, 132.

48. Hoffmann, Stauffenberg, 133, 151. For assessments of the varied attitudes towards Jews and antisemitism among those involved in resistance to the Nazi regime, see Christoph Dipper, ‘Der deutsche Widerstand und die Juden’, GG, 9 (1983), 349–80; Christoph Dipper, ‘Der Widerstand und die Juden’, in Schmàdeke and Steinbach, 598–616; and Hans Mommsen, ‘Der Widerstand gegen Hitler und die nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung’ (as yet unpublished, but kindly made available to me by Hans Mommsen). As could hardly otherwise be expected, strains of antisemitism — for the most part traditional resentments, far removed from the extremes of Nazi genocidal mentalities — are not infrequently encountered, especially among the older and more conservative sectors of the opposition. At opposite poles in the resistance, not least as regards attitudes towards the Jews, were Oster and Groscurth, who revealed no signs of antisemitism, and Wolf Heinrich Graf von Helldorf (the rabidly antisemitic Berlin police-chief and former SA leader) and Arthur Nebe (head of a murderous Einsatzgruppe, responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of Jews). The mounting atrocities against the Jewish population in the occupied eastern territories were unquestionably, as in Stauffenberg’s case, a strong — though for the most part, it seems, not the decisive — motive in engaging in the conspiracy to kill Hitler. Yet, ambiguities almost inevitably remain: even among the courageous front officers of Army Group Centre, there seems to have been at least initial approval for the ruthless war against partisans and ‘bandits’ which was to a large extent coterminous with the growing genocidal assault on the Jews. (See Heinemann/Krüger-Charlé, 499 and n.99.)

49. Gisevius, To the Bitter End, 508, for a somewhat unflattering picture of Stauffenberg.

50. Eberhard Zeller, Geist der Freiheit. Der Zwanzigste Juli, 4th edn, Munich, 1963, 244; Roon, Widerstand, 179–83.

51. Ritter, 366–7; Fest, Staatsstreich, 222; Hoffmann, Widerstand, 396; Roon, Widerstand, 184.

52. Germans against Hitler, 131.

53. Roon, Widerstand, 178–9; Hoffmann, Widerstand, 374ff., especially 386–7; Fest, Staatsstreich, 222–4.

54. For a character sketch, see Bernhard R. Kroener, ‘Friedrich Fromm — Der “starke Mann im Heimatkriegsgebiet”’, in Smelser/Syring, 171–86.

55. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 397–8.

56. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 398–405. For Bussche, see the brief portrait from personal acquaintance in Marion Gräfin Dönhoff, ‘Um der Ehre willen’. Erinnerungen an die Freunde vom 20.Juli, (1994) 2nd edn, Berlin, 1996, 67–76.

57. Kleist first asked Stauffenberg for time to think it over. He asked his father, hoping he would advise against it. His father replied without hesitation: ‘Yes, you must do it. Whoever fails in such a moment will never again be happy in his lifetime.’ (Bodo Scheurig, Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin. Ein Konservativer gegen Hitler. Biographie, Berlin/Frankfurt am Main, 1994.) The father would eventually pay for his opposition with his life; the son would survive the Nazi regime.

58. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 405–6.

59. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 407–10.

60. Roon, Widerstand, 188–9.

61. See, for the reference, above, note 7.

62. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 406; Fest, Staatsstreich, 243.

63. Roon, Widerstand, 187.

64. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 469; Fest, Staatsstreich, 242–3, 246.

65. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 471–5.

66. Roon, Widerstand, 189; Hoffmann, Widerstand, 471–2; Fest, Staatsstreich, 250 52.

67. Roon, Widerstand, 189–90; Fest, Staatsstreich, 252–3.

68. Hoffmann, Widerstand, 486–8; Fest, Staatsstreich, 258–9.