Итог полностью

6 The relation between professionals and non-professionals takes very different forms for the dominant: since they are, most of the time, capable of producing their political acts and opinions themselves, it is never without a certain reticence and ambivalence that they resign themselves to delegation (imposed on them by the specific logic of legitimacy which, based as it is on misrecognition, condemns the temptation to celebrate one’s own activities).

7 One can describe as a party association an organization whose almost exclusive object is to prepare for elections, and which derives from this permanent function a permanence which ordinary associations do not possess. Resembling an association by the limited and partial character of its objectives and of the commitment it requires and, (hereby, by (he thoroughly diversified social composition of its clientele (made up of electors and not of militants), it resembles a party by the permanence imposed on it by the recurrence of its specific function, namely, preparing for elections. (It is notable that the ideal party as described by Ostrogorski is precisely an association, in other words, a temporary organization, created ad hoc for the purposes of a given claim or a specific cause.)

8 A. Gramsci. Selections from Political Writings (1921-1926), tr. Q. Hoare (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1978), pp. 197, 12.

9 R, Luxemburg. Masse et chefs (Paris: Spartacus. 1972), p. 37; trans* lated from the French.

10 A, Gramsci, Selections from Political Writings (1910-1920), tr. J. Andrews (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1977), pp. 330-9.

11 In this way, for example, the elitist theory of opinion, which is implicit in the elaboration or analysis of opinion polls or in the ritual lamentations over the high level of abstentions, betrays itself, in all innocence, in inquiries into the opinion-makers which, drawing their inspiration from an emanationist philosophy of ‘diffusion* as analogous to the streaming of liquid, aim to follow opinions back along the networks through which they circulate to the source from which they seemingly spring - in other words, to the "elite’ of ‘opinion-makers’, whom nobody ever thinks to ask for a reason for their opinions. (See for example C. Kadushin, Tower, influence and social circles: a new

methodology for studying opinion makers*, American Sociological Review, 33 (1968), pp. 6 85-99 J

12 The fact remains that this evolution could be countered, to some degree, by the general rise in the level of education which, given the all-powerful importance of educational capital in the system of explanatory factors of variations io individuals* relation to politics, is probably of a kind to contradict this tendency and to reinforce, to different degrees depending on the apparatus involved, pressure from the base, which is less inclined to accept unconditional delegation.

13 The televised debate which brings together professionals chosen for their specific competence but also for their sense of political propriety and respectability, in the presence of a public reduced to the status of spectators, thus realizing class struggle in the form of a theatrical and ritualized confrontation between two champions, symbolizes perfectly the end of the process of autonomization of the political game properly speaking, one that is more than ever imprisoned in its techniques, its hierarchies and its internal rules,

14 On the logic of the struggle for the imposition of the principle of di-vision, see P. Bourdieu. ’Identity and representation¹, ch, 10 in this volume.

15 As proof of this, one need only cite the differences (which the necessities linked to the history and logic proper to each national political field bnng out) between the different representations that the ‘representative* organizations of social classes placed tn equivalent positions, such as the working classes of different European countries, give of the interests of these classes. This is true despite all the efforts made to achieve a greater homogenization (such as the bolshevizatton' of the communist parties).

16 Weber, Economy and Society vol. 2, p. 1447.

17 'Proletarian unity is blocked by opportunists of every hue. who defend the vested interests of cliques, material interests and especially interests derived from political power over the masses* (Gramsci. Selections from Political Writings (191(1-1920)' p. 178)