Итог полностью

57 The same Sartre who would have smiled or been indignant at Heidegger’s elitist professions of faith if they had come before him in the guise of what Simone de Beauvoir called ‘right-wing thought’ (forgetting, curiously, to include Heidegger), would not have been able to have the insight that he had into the expression which Heidegger’s works gave to his own experience of the social world, expressed at length in the pages of La Nausee, if it had not appeared to him dressed in forms fitting the proprieties and conventions of the philosophical field.

7 On Symbolic Power

I E. Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946). p, 16,

2 I have in mind the etymological sense of kategorein as noted by Heidegger (i.e. ‘to accuse publicly*); and also the terminology of kinship, which is a prime example of social categories (terms of address).

3 The neo-phenomenological tradition (Schutz. Peler Berger) and certain forms of ethnomethodology accept Che same presuppositions merely by omitting the question of the social conditions of possibility of the doxic experience (Husserl) of the world (and in particular of the

social world), that is, of the experience of the social world as being self-evident (‘taken for granted’ in Schutz’s words).

4 The ideological stances adopted by the dominant are strategies of reproduction which tend to reinforce both within and outside the class the belief in the legitimacy of the domination of that class.

5 The existence of a specialized field of production is the precondition for the appearance of a struggle between orthodoxy and heterodoxy, which share the common feature of being distinguished from doxa* that is, from what remains undiscusscd.

6 It also means wc avoid the ethnologism (visible in particular in the analysis of archaic thought) which consists in treating ideologies as myths, that is, as the undifferentiated products of a collective labour, and thus in ignoring all the features they owe to the characteristics of the field of production (e.g. in the Greek tradition, th£ esoteric re-interpretations of mythic traditions),

7 The symbols of power (e g clothes, sceptre) are merely objectified symbolic capital and their efficacy is subject to the same conditions.

8 The destruction of this power of symbolic imposition based dn misrecognition depends on becoming aware of its arbitrary nature ie* the disclosure of the objective truth and the destruction of belief Heterodox discourse - in so far as it destroys the spuriously dear and self-evident notions of orthodoxy, a fictitious restoration of the doxa. and neutralizes its power to immobilize - contains a symbolic power of mobilization and subversion, the power to actualize the potential power of the dominated classes.

8 Political Representation: Elements for a Theory of the Political Field

1 M. Weber, Economy and Society: /In Outline of Interpretive Sociology, vol, 2, ed. G, Roth and C. Wittich (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), pp. 1395ff., 145Iff.

2 Neo-Machiavelhan theories take this division into account only to ascribe it to human nature. Thus Michels speaks of‘incurable incompetence* (R. Michels, Political Parties: A Sociological Study of ^e Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy, tr. E. and C. Paul (London; Jarrold and Sons, 1916), p. 421) or of ‘the perrenial incompetence of the masses’ (p. 424) and describes the relation between professionals and non-professionals in the language °f need (the masses* ‘need for leadership* (p, 54), the masses* need f°^{r an} object of veneration (p, 69), etc), or in the language of native (‘The apathy of the masses and their need for guidance has as its counterpart in the leaders a natural greed for power. Thus the development of the democratic oligarchy is accelerated by the general characterises of human nature* (p. 217)).

3 See, in particular, P, Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, tr. R. Nice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 1984), pp. 397-465,

4 This implies that the division of political labour varies with the overall volume of economic and cultural capital accumulated in a given social formation (its ’level of development') and also with the more or less asymmetrical structure of the distribution of this capital, especially the cultural capital, In this way, the spread of access to secondary education was the source of a set of transformations of the relation between parties and their militants or electors.

5 Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations _t tr. G. E. N, Anscombe (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1958), para, 337, p. 108.