267. Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 648–50 (APRF, f. 3, op. 58, d. 234, l. 1–6: March 21, 1935). Zakovsky would report from Leningrad that more than 11,000 “former people” had already been sentenced and 22,000 inhabitants of border zones deported. Khaustov and Samuelson, Stalin, NKVD, 64; Vinogradov, Genrikh Iagoda, 465–76 (March 31, 1935); Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 654–7. Yezhov presented Stalin a list (April 4, 1935) of the recipients of the various dachas that Yenukidze had doled out. Maksimenkov, Bol’shaia tsenzura, 371n4 (RGASPI, f. 671, op. 1, d. 52, l. 32: Yezhov to Stalin, April 4, 1935). The politburo ordered the purchase—rather than the confiscation—of some valuable literary archives by people being deported from Leningrad in the wake of the Kirov murder. Artizov and Naumov, Vlast’, 255 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 962, l. 48: April 23, 1935), 763n92 (APRF, f. 3, op. 58, d. 174, l. 78–9).
268. The document was worked out by Stalin, Molotov, Kaganovich, and Yezhov, but not Voroshilov or Orjonikidze, and would be dated April 3, 1935. Stalin was in his office with those three only on March 15, 1935. Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 658–60 (APRF, f. 3, op. 58, d. 234, l. 47–53); Na prieme, 156–7.
269. “‘Zamenit’ Vas nekem’: pis’ma M. Gor’kogo I. V. Stalinu,” 116–7 (APRF, f. 3, op. 58, d. 284, l. 127–127ob, 124).
270. Izvestiia, March 24, 1935; DVP SSSR, XVIII: 204–13; Lensen, Damned Inheritance, 457–9; Slavinskii, Vneshniaia politika, 53. See also RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 83, l. 73–83, 104–6.
271. Davies et al., Years of Progress, 91n5 (citing RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 17, l. 157–8). Stalin would inspect the first ZIS-101 luxury limousine on April 29, 1936.
272. Paine, Wars for Asia, 92.
273. Crowley, Japan’s Quest for National Autonomy, 214–7; Safronov, SSSR, SShA, i iaponskaia, 145.
274. DVP SSSR, XVIII: 626 (Spil’vanek in Nanking to Moscow, Jan. 28, 1935).
275. Khlevniuk, Stalin: zhizn’, 195.
276. Murin, Stalin v ob”iatiakh, 173–6 (Svanidze diary: April 29, 1935), 178 (May 9); Na prieme, 161. See also Medvedev, K sudu istorii, 628; Brandenberger and Dubrovsky, “‘The People Need a Tsar,’” 873, 884n4. When a common person, Petrushenko, was asked in a study circle that same year who Stalin was and answered, “someone like the tsar used to be,” the secret police reported the remark. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 120, d. 176, l. 45; Davies, Popular Opinion, 168–9. The metro opened with two lines: from Sokolniki to the Park of Culture through Hunters Row station; and from the latter to Smolensk Square. Medvedev, All Stalin’s Men, 124–5.
277. Tucker, Stalin in Power, 223–37. Ulam observed that “it is unlikely that Stalin would have wanted to establish the precedent of a successful assassination attempt against a high Soviet official.” Ulam, Stalin, 385. “One thing is certain,” wrote the émigré Nicolaevsky, “the only man who profited by the Kirov assassination was Stalin.” Nicolaevsky, “Kirov Assassination.”
278. Medved evidently discussed with other NKVD officials and his closest relatives his suspicion that Stalin and Yagoda were responsible for Kirov’s death. Shreider, NKVD iznutri, 26–9. In 1935, Yefim Yevdokimov evidently asked Frinovsky if he had any information about the hand of Yagoda in the murder of Kirov (insinuating Stalin’s involvement). Protocol of Frinovsky interrogation, Beria to Stalin, April 11, 1939 (APRF, f. 3, op. 24, d. 373, l. 3–44), http://www.hrono.ru/do kum/193_dok/19390413beria.php.
279. All six 1956–57 commissions formed under Khrushchev concluded that no underground Zinoviev-Trotskyite terrorist group existed; the thirteen people executed with Nikolayev would be rehabilitated in 1989.
