282. From Irkutsk, Shcherbakov had written to Zhadnov (June 18, 1937), his former superior, that “all leaders of the province soviet departments, the heads of provincial party departments and their deputies (with the exception of two so far), and the lower level province party officials, a number of party secretaries of the district party, the leaders of economic organizations, the directors of factories, [and so on] have been arrested. Thus, there are no functionaries in the party or the soviet apparatuses. It is difficult to imagine something like this. Now they have begun to dig into the NKVD.” Shcherbakov begged Zhdanov for cadres from Leningrad. Kvashonkin,
283. Khrushchev,
284. Kennan wrote that Stalin was “a man of incredible criminality . . . without pity or mercy: a man in whose entourage no one was ever safe: a man who . . . was most dangerous of all to those who were his closest collaborators in crime, because he liked to be the sole custodian of his own secrets.” Conversely, Rigby argued that Stalin was not “a disloyal patron.” Of the ten voting members of the politburo as of 1934, one was assassinated (Kirov), one committed suicide (Orjonikidze), and one died of a heart attack (Kuibyshev), but only one was executed—Kosior. Three candidate members from 1934 through 1937 were executed (Chubar [promoted to full member in 1935], Eihe, and Yezhov), while Mikoyan and Petrovsky survived. Kennan,
285. The Zhdanov-Malenkov rivalry would perform a similar function of each holding the other in check. Harris, “Origins of the Conflict.”
286. Beria’s son Sergo recalled that his father noticed he was being spied upon by subordinates, who, he said, reported directly to Zhdanov in Moscow. Beriia,
287. Nabokov, for the English translation, later explicitly called his fictional dictator a composite. Nabokov,
288. Davies and Harris,
289. Graziosi, “New Soviet Archival Sources,” 34. See also Priestland,
290. Without explaining where Stalin acquired the wherewithal to destroy the political machines with ease, Getty continues to insist not on a hypercentralized but a decentralized Soviet system whereby the central apparatus detested its supposed dependence on the backward clan dynamics of local party machines. Getty and Naumov,
291. Cherushev,
292. Overall, between May 1935 and May 1941, Stalin would convoke twelve Central Committee plenums, a single party congress, and one party conference, but more than forty major state banquets. That compares, in the ten-year period from 1924–34, with four party congresses, five party conferences, and forty-three plenums. Nevezhin,
293. “Vospominaia Velikuiu otechestvennuiu,” 54; Emel’ianov,
294. Gromov,