142. Osokina, Za fasadom, 201; Danilov et al., Tragediia sovetskoi derevni, IV: 794–5 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 978, l. 62), 831–2 (f. 558, op. 11, d. 94, l. 17), 839 (d. 95, l. 3), 843–4 (l. 40–1), 862–4 (GANO, f. P-3, op. 2, d. 1063, l. 34–7), 868–74 (TsA FSB, f. 3, op. 3, d. 1292, l. 8–19), 886–90 (l. 247–57), 900–4 (l. 320–30), 913–4 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 982, l. 31–2). In 1936, Stalin had not objected to requests to mention in the regional press the assistance extended to regions suffering hunger (885–6: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 55, l. 109).
143. Zelenin, Stalinskaia ‘revoliutsiia sverkhu,’ 241–2 (RGASPI, f. 477, op. 1, d. 4, l. 114–5); Kolkhozy vo vtoroi, 24.
144. The first subdivision had taken place in Aug. 1937, when a separate machine building commissariat was formed. By 1941, there would be twenty-two separate industrial commissariats, one for each branch. Rees and Watson, “Politburo and Sovnarkom,” 24.
145. Davies, “Soviet Economy,” 32 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 120, d. 336, l. 9–12). The author was Pakhomov, but this was not N. I. Pakhomov, the water transport commissar (who been shot in Aug. 1938). Stalin had Poskryobyshev forward the letter to Zhdanov.
146. Krokodil, 1939, no. 7; Chegodaeva, Dva lika vremeni, 50.
147. RGAKFD, ed. khr. 1–3050 (year 1939).
148. Reid, “Socialist Realism”; Bown, Socialist Realist Painting, 145–55, 180.
149. XVIII s”ezd VKP (b), 16.
150. “If I had said it right,” Molotov later explained, “Stalin would have felt that I was correcting him.” Pavlov, “Dve poslednie vstrechi”; Tucker, Stalin in Power, 586.
151. XVIII s”ezd VKP (b), 34, 26; Volkogonov, Triumf i tragediia, II/1: 10–1.
152. Pravda, March 11, 1939; XVIII s”ezd VKP(b), 15; Sochineniia, XIV: 337–8. For British reactions, see DBFP, 3rd series, IV: 210–7 (Henderson to Halifax, March 9, 1939), 260 (Henderson to Halifax, March 15), 266–9/8 (Halifax to Phipps, March 15), 278–9 (Henderson to Halifax, March 16). Ivan Maisky had written to Stalin in late 1937 on how to handle appeasement: “Let ‘Western democracies’ reveal their hand in the matter of the aggressors. What is the point of us pulling their chestnuts out of the fire for them? To fight together—by all means. To serve as cannon fodder for them—never!” Gorodetsky, Maisky Diaries, xxv (no citation).
153. Haslam, Struggle for Collective Security, 205. Izvestiya’s foreign department did internally discuss the possibility of a change in foreign policy orientation, and the newspaper did suddenly discontinue its antifascist writings from Paris by “Paul Jocelyn” (a pseudonym of Ehrenburg’s). When Ehrenburg sought an explanation from Surits, the latter was said to have snapped, “Nothing is asked of you, and you are worried!” Ehrenburg, Sobranie sochinenii, IX: 228.
154. Sluch, “Germano-sovetskie otnosheniia,” 109 (citing Bundesarkhiv Koblenz, Zsg. 101/12: 72).
155. From 1907 through 1914, Schulenburg had been a German consul in tsarist Russia. Sommer, Botschafter Graf Schulenburg. See also Chuev, Molotov Remembers, 19.
156. Schorske, “Two German Diplomats.” At the German embassy on Leontyev Lane, on March 5, 1932, five shots had been fired at Dirksen’s car, but he was not inside (one of the bullets struck an embassy counselor in the hand). A hasty trial linked the episode to the Polish embassy (a transparent Soviet effort to poison German-Polish relations). Dirksen, a parvenu aristocrat (from a long line of bourgeois civil servants), had been moved to Japan (1933–8), where he belatedly joined the Nazi Party (1936), and then to Britain (1938–9), where he succeeded Ribbentrop as ambassador and recognized that Chamberlain’s government was among Germany’s greatest political assets. Hilger, Incompatible Allies, 247–8. In 1938, Leontyev Lane would be renamed Stanislavsky Street, for the celebrated Russian theater director.
