89 Marietta Chudakova, interview with the author (April 14, 2003).
90 Mark Zakharov, interview with the author (June 4, 2002). Yegor Gaidar had a similar conversation with Yeltsin in the spring of 1992, suggesting the Kremlin set up a new unit for selling the reforms. “Yegor Timurovich,” he said, “do you want me to re-create the propaganda department of the CPSU Central Committee? Look, as long as I am in charge that won’t happen.” Oleg Moroz, “Kak Boris Yel’tsin vybiral sebe preyemnika” (How Boris Yeltsin chose his successor), Izvestiya, July 7, 2006.
91 Yel’tsin, Zapiski, 397; Marafon, 63 (italics added). The latter passage is not in the English translation.
92 A large body of research has established the political importance of the speech of U.S. presidents, leaving in dispute whether myth or substance predominates in it. See Jeffrey K. Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987); Richard J. Ellis, ed., Speaking to the People: The Rhetorical Presidency in Historical Perspective (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998); and Shawn J. Parry-Giles, The Rhetorical Presidency, Propaganda, and the Cold War, 1945–1955 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2002).
CHAPTER ELEVEN
1 Boris Yel’tsin, Zapiski prezidenta (Notes of a president) (Moscow: Ogonëk, 1994), 166–67.
2 As one scholar says of constitutional politics, it is about the components of a state or would-be state coming together, keeping themselves together, or being held together. The third path applies best to Yeltsin’s Russia. Alfred Stepan, “Russian Federalism in Comparative Perspective,” Post-Soviet Affairs 16 (April–June 2000), 133–76.
3 Ibid., 165.
4 Yevgenia Albats, “Bureaucrats and the Russian Transition: The Politics of Accommodation, 1991–2003” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2004), 93.
5 For an overview, see Andrew Barnes, Owning Russia: The Struggle over Factories, Farms, and Power (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006).
6 Boris Yeltsin, third interview with the author (September 12, 2002).
7 The auction process is analyzed in Chrystia Freeland, Sale of the Century: Russia’s Wild Ride from Communism to Capitalism (Toronto: Doubleday, 2000), chap. 8; and David E. Hoffman, The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia (New York: PublicAffairs, 2002), chaps. 12 and 13.
8 Oleg Poptsov, Khronika vremën “Tsarya Borisa” (Chronicle of the times of “Tsar Boris”) (Moscow: Sovershenno sekretno, 1995), 71.
9 Yel’tsin, Zapiski, 168.
10 See Stephen Holmes, “What Russia Teaches Us Now: How Weak States Threaten Freedom,” The American Prospect 33 (July–August 1997), 30–39; David Woodruff, Money Unmade: Barter and the Fate of Russian Capitalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999); William Alex Pridemore, ed., Ruling Russia: Law, Crime, and Justice in a Changing Society (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005); and Timothy J. Colton and Stephen Holmes, eds., The State after Communism: Governance in the New Russia (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006).
11 Brian D. Taylor, Politics and the Russian Army: Civil-Military Relations, 1689–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 307–9.
12 Yel’tsin, Zapiski, 259–60.
13 Mark R. Beissinger, Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 440–41, citing Matthew Wyman, Public Opinion in Postcommunist Russia (New York: St. Martin’s, 1997), 166–67.
14 Yel’tsin, Zapiski, 153, 394. While Yeltsin never described himself as nostalgic for the USSR, his wife did in one interview in 1997: “Like everyone, I have nostalgia for the Soviet Union, when we all lived together like in a big family. And now it is as if everyone has run off. Friends of mine from the institute [UPI] live abroad—in Minsk, in Ukraine, in Kazakhstan.” Interview of March 1, 1997, on Ekho Moskvy radio, at http://www.echo.msk.ru/guests/1775.
15 Boris Yel’tsin, Prezidentskii marafon (Presidential marathon) (Moscow: AST, 2000), 62.
