Yeltsin полностью

16 Seventy-one percent of the USSR’s 11,000 strategic warheads were based in Russia, 16 percent in Ukraine, 12 percent in Kazakhstan, and 1 percent in Belarus. Russia’s control was 100 percent for submarine-launched strategic weapons but only 62 percent for missile-delivered warheads and 24 percent for aircraft-delivered warheads. Yegor Gaidar, Gibel’ imperii: uroki dlya sovremennoi Rossii (Death of an empire: lessons for contemporary Russia) (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2006), 421–22.

17 Author’s first interview with Andrei Kozyrev (January 19, 2001) and second interview with Yegor Gaidar (January 31, 2002). U.S. President Clinton’s main adviser for Russia and Eurasia recalls Kozyrev as “obsessed” with the Yugoslav situation and as worrying that the use of force against the Serbs would stir up nationalist passions and bring “a Russian Milošević” to power. Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy (New York: Random House, 2002), 73–74.

18 Stephen Kotkin, Armageddon Averted: The Soviet Collapse, 1970–2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 92.

19 First Kozyrev interview.

20 Ambassador Strauss provided informal feedback on a draft of Yeltsin’s speech to Congress. Yeltsin asked how members of Congress would question him at the session and was relieved to hear that foreign guests were not interrogated. Author’s interviews with Strauss and James F. Collins (both on January 9, 2006). Collins was Strauss’s top deputy in the embassy.

21 “Russian President’s Address to Joint Session of Congress,” The Washington Post, June 18, 1992. Richard Nixon, Yeltsin’s great admirer, watched the speech on television. “When Yeltsin made statements that Nixon believed were not getting a properly enthusiastic response, he yelled to the Congress through the television, ‘Cheer, you jerks!’” Monica Crowley, Nixon in Winter (New York: Random House, 1998), 97.

22 Niall Ferguson and Brigitte Granville, “‘Weimar on the Volga’: Causes and Consequences of Inflation in 1990s Russia Compared with 1920s Germany,” Journal of Economic History 60 (December 2000), 1061–87.

23 James M. Goldgeier and Michael McFaul, Power and Purpose: U.S. Policy toward Russia after the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 2003), 94.

24 Nigel Gould-Davies and Ngaire Woods, “Russia and the IMF,” International Affairs 75 (January 1999), 7–8. The IMF announced $1 billion in external support to Russia in July 1992, $3 billion in June 1993, and $6.8 billion in April 1995.

25 Talbott, Russia Hand, 286. Clinton made this statement to U.S. government officials on a flight to Russia the night of August 31–September 1, 1998.

26 Goldgeier and McFaul, Power and Purpose, 54.

27 Talbott, Russia Hand, 32, 63.

28 Ibid., 115, 145.

29 Reginald Dale, “Clinton’s ‘Preposterous’ Suggestion,” http://www.iht.com/articles/2000/06/09/think.2.t_0.php.

30 Russia requested the Council of Europe seat in May 1992. In May 1998 it ratified the council’s Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and anti-torture protocol and recognized the right of petition of its citizens to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Russians today file more suits with the court than any other nation. To conform to European norms, Yeltsin established a moratorium on executions in 1996 and in June 1999 commuted the sentences of 713 death-row prisoners. Three post-Soviet states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) joined the EU in 2004; seven other post-communist countries joined in 2004 and 2007.

31 A. L. Litvin, Yel’tsiny v Kazani (The Yeltsins in Kazan) (Kazan: Aibat, 2004), 71.

32 CIA, Directorate of Intelligence, “The Politics of Russian Nationalisms,” SOV 91-10044 (October 1991), 13; declassified version obtained at http://www.foia.cia.gov.browse_docs.asp?

33 The republics numbered sixteen until 1991, when four lesser ethnic entities (autonomous oblasts) were reclassified and the Chechen-Ingush republic broke in two, bringing the total to twenty-one. One surviving autonomous oblast and ten “autonomous districts” remained of inferior standing after the reshuffle; three of the eleven voted for sovereignty. The process is well laid out in Jeffrey Kahn, Federalism, Democratization, and the Rule of Law in Russia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 102–23.

34 Elise Giuliano, “Secessionism from the Bottom Up: Democratization, Nationalism, and Local Accountability in the Russian Transition,” World Politics 58 (January 2006), 295; Rashit Akhmetov, “Provody” (Sendoff), http://tatpolit.ru/category/zvezda/2007-05-04/285.