35 See Dmitry Gorenburg, Minority Ethnic Mobilization in the Russian Federation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 125. As many as 20,000 protested during the October session of the Tatarstan Supreme Soviet, and more than fifty were injured in clashes with the police. Altogether, 142 nationalist rallies were held in Tatarstan between 1987 and 1993.
36 Aleksandr Tsipko, “Drama rossiiskogo vybora” (The drama of Russia’s choice), Izvestiya, October 1, 1991. Four of Russia’s ethnic republics and twenty-nine of its other territories exceeded the population of Estonia, whose separation from the USSR Yeltsin recognized in August 1991.
37 M. K. Gorshkov, V. V. Zhuravlëv, and L. N. Dobrokhotov, eds., Yel’tsin–Khasbulatov: yedinstvo, kompromiss, bor’ba (Yeltsin–Khasbulatov: unity, compromise, struggle) (Moscow: TERRA, 1994), 130.
38 See especially Kahn, Federalism, Democratization, and the Rule of Law, 123–32, 153–54 (story about Burbulis at 153); Akhmetov, “Provody” (Shaimiyev’s feats); Dmitry Gorenburg, “Regional Separatism in Russia: Ethnic Mobilisation or Power Grab?” Europe-Asia Studies 51 (March 1999), 245–74; and Giuliano, “Secessionism from the Bottom Up,” 276–310.
39 On August 21, 1991, Yeltsin removed by decree the chief executives of three provinces (Rostov, Samara, and Lipetsk). He first appointed individuals to this office on August 24. But on August 22 Yeltsin asserted the right to name “presidential representatives,” who were there independent of the holders of the local office.
40 Outside of war-torn Chechnya, the only republic where Yeltsin ever stepped in to name a president was Karachayevo-Cherkessiya in September 1995, at the request of the local parliament.
41 Secondary accounts mention republic proposals in the provinces of Arkhangel’sk, Irkutsk, Kaliningrad, Krasnoyarsk, Novosibirsk, Orël, Primor’e, St. Petersburg, Vladivostok, Vologda, and Voronezh. For comparisons, see Philip G. Roeder, Where Nation–States Come From: Institutional Change in the Age of Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 192–93; and Yoshiko M. Herrera, Imagined Economies: The Sources of Russian Regionalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 194–244.
42 Timothy J. Colton and Cindy Skach, “A Fresh Look at Semipresidentialism: The Russian Predicament,” Journal of Democracy 16 (July 2005), 113–26.
43 Khasbulatov heard about the agreement from news reports while on a visit to South Korea. He wanted to talk about it with Yeltsin by telephone but had to settle for Naina Yeltsina. Rutskoi was informed about the deal by one of Khasbulatov’s deputies. Author’s interviews with Khasbulatov (September 26, 2001) and Rutskoi (June 5, 2001).
44 Josephine T. Andrews, When Majorities Fail: The Russian Parliament, 1990–1993 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 26.
45 Gorshkov, Zhuravlëv, and Dobrokhotov, Yel’tsin–Khasbulatov, 201.
46 Khasbulatov interview.
47 Yu, M. Baturin et al., Epokha Yel’tsina: ocherki politicheskoi istorii (The Yeltsin epoch: essays in political history) (Moscow: VAGRIUS, 2001), 265. Chernomyrdin had declared in December, when appointed premier, that he intended to work closely with the congress. This prompted Yeltsin’s press secretary, Vyacheslav Kostikov, to write a sarcastic pseudonymous article about him in a newspaper. Chernomyrdin complained to Yeltsin, who told Kostikov his criticism was fair but he should keep it to himself, and “I will sort things out with Chernomyrdin myself.” Ibid., 322–33.
48 Ibid., 293.
49 Gorshkov, Zhuravlëv, and Dobrokhotov, Yel’tsin–Khashulatov, 324–25.
50 Boris Yeltsin, first interview with the author (July 15, 2001).
51 Aleksandr Korzhakov, Boris Yel’tsin: ot rassveta do zakata (Boris Yeltsin: from dawn to dusk) (Moscow: Interbuk, 1997), 158–59. He says the agent to be used was chloropicrin, which causes lachrymation and vomiting; in high enough doses, it can lead to serious injury or death.
52 Gorshkov, Zhuravlëv, and Dobrokhotov, Yel’tsin–Khashulatov, 369–71.
53 The Constitutional Court had ruled that the results on the third and fourth questions would be binding only if a majority of the entire electorate came out in favor.
54 Dmitri K. Simes, “Remembering Yeltsin,” http://www.nationalinterest.org/BlogSE.aspx?id=14110.
55 Leon Aron, Yeltsin: A Revolutionary Life (New York: St. Martin’s, 2000), 514.
56 Baturin et al., Epokha, 345.
