Итог полностью

25 G, Lakoff, ’Interview with Herman Parrett’. University of California, mimeo, October 1973. p. 38; W. Laboy, Language in the Inner City (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1973). p. 219.

26 It is hardly necessary to recall that the primordial form of censorship, that concerning sexual matters, and bodily ones more generally, is applied with particular rigour to women (or - a fine example of the market effect - in the presence of women).

27 From the point of view of dominant individuals, the same opposition would seem to be apparent, by a simple inversion of the sign, in the logic of difficulty and ease’, 'correctness* and negligence, culture and nature.

28 The intuitively perceived relationship between the ’articulatory style⁷ and the life-style, which makes ’accent’ such a powerful way of predicting social position, forces unequivocal value judgements from the few analysts who have devoted some space to it. like Pierre Guiraud: ’This carpel-slipper "accent'’, sloppy and limp*; 'the "lout’s” accent is the one which belongs to the guy who spits his words out of the corner of his mouth, between the fag-end and where his lips meet’: 'this vague and soft consistency, in its most degraded forms, is limp and revolting’ (P. Guiraud, Le fran^ais poputaire (Paris: Presses Universi-lairesde France), pp. 111-16) Like all manifestations of the habitus, of the historical as natural, pronunciation, and mote generally the relation to language, as commonly perceived, are revelations of a person in his I rue nature: class racism finds, in incorporated properties, the supreme justification for the propensity to naturalize social differences.

29 It is therefore no accident that a school system which, like the French Ecole republicaine. was conceived during the Revolution and fully established during the Third Republic, tries to shape completely the habitus of the lower classes, and is organized around the inculcation of a certain relation to language (with the abolition of regional languages, etc J, a relation io the body (disciplines of hygiene, consumption -sobriety - etc.) and a relation to time (calculating - economical -saving, etc ).

Appendix to Part I

1 The fact that the costs of scientific objectification are particularly high for an especially low - or negative - profit has not entirely failed to influence the slate of knowledge regarding these matters.

2 Le Petit Robert (Paris: Sodel^ du Nouveau Litt rd. 1979), p xvii.

3 We know the role played by similar (conscious or unconscious) exclusions in the use that the National Socialist movement made of the word volkisch.

4 See H Bauche. Le langage populate, grammaire, syntax? et vocabu-laire du fran^ats tel quon le parte dans le peuple de Paris, avec tous les termes d‘argot usuel (Paris: Payot, 1920); P Guiraud, Le fran^ais populaire (Paris: Presses Universilaires de France, 1965); also along the same lines. H. Frei, La grammaire des fames (Paris and Geneva: 1929; Geneva: Slalkme Reprints, 1971).

5 For examples in French, see J. Cellard and A. Rey. Dictionnaire du fran^ais nun conventionnet (Paris; Hachette, 1980). p. viir

6 For example, in the discourse recorded on the market which is least tense - a conversation between women - slang vocabulary is more or less totally absent. In the case observed, it only appears when one of the female interlocutors quotes the utterances of a man (‘bugger oft right now’), of whom she says immediately: ’that’s the way he talks, he used to know his way round Paris him. looks a bit down on his luck, wears his cap on one side, y know what 1 mean/ A little further on, the same person employs the word ’stash' again just alter having reported the utterances of a pub landlord in which it was used (cf. Y. Ddsaut, ’L'economic du langage populaire*, Acres de la recherche en sciences soaateS' 4 (1975). pp. 33-40). Empirical studies ought to make an effort to determine the feeling speakers have with regard to whether a word is pari of slang or part of the legitimate language (instead of imposing the definition of the observer); among other things, this would allow for an understanding of a number of features described as ’mistakes’, which are Che product of a misplaced sense of distinction.

7 This is why. while appearing to go around in circles or to be spinning in air, like so many circular and tautological definitions of vulgarity and of distinction, the legitimate language so often turns to the advantage of dominant speakers.