The blue screen had transfixed Yeltsin since his early months as first secretary. In September 1978 he used it to urge city dwellers to help bring in the fall harvest, which was wasting away in the fields because of bucketing rains. Some 85,000 Sverdlovskers are said to have responded to his plea to enlist in “the battle for grain.”92 If this was Soviet mobilizational propaganda with a human touch, the television programs of the early 1980s, which were the brainchild of Igor Brodskii, the director of the Sverdlovsk television studio, had a different slant. They were organized around letters, which gave scope for startlingly frank appraisals. Some older apparatchiks who feared television had to be placated. They need not have worried, for the broadcasts could be minutely planned and prerecorded. The bevy of officials assigned to the December 1982 event spelled out in exquisite detail the camera angles, the topics to be discussed (in thirteen categories), and the towns and villages to be named (forty-five of them). But there was something new about the broadcast. Unlike anonymous agitprop, this was an acutely personalized dialogue. Brodskii’s “scenario plan”:

The video will be taped from the working office of B. N. Yeltsin.

Once the title of the broadcast has been flashed, the camera pans over envelopes spread out on the desk. We see that B. N. Yeltsin has been going through his mail. At this point, a crawler along the bottom of the screen reminds viewers about who is participating in the broadcast [First Secretary Yeltsin] and commenting on their letters.

The magnification changes from medium to high. In the picture is B. N. Yeltsin. He speaks directly to us:

“Good evening, comrades. The letters now on my desk are only part of the large amount of mail I will be commenting on. . . .”93

In July 1984, when the obkom did a second big telecast, staff did alternate draft scenarios—every one of them devised to place Yeltsin in the limelight. In one, he would be shot watching film of interviews with 1982 letter writers. “Watching these interviews together with the television audience, B. N. Yeltsin could use them by way of illustration in the course of his conversation.” In another, he would stand on a factory floor and field questions from workers; the catch there was that the participants in the meeting might “upstage” Yeltsin. Then there was the scenario they adopted:

A monologue. The broadcast comes from the office of the first secretary of the obkom of the CPSU, comrade B. N. Yeltsin.

The kinks have been worked out of this form. It allows us to show comrade B. N. Yeltsin as a party and state figure in his usual working surroundings.

The reactions received by [Sverdlovsk] TV after the December [1982] broadcast show that people watched with great interest and listened intently to the direct appeal to them on the part of B. N. Yeltsin. The meeting was a 100 percent success.94

On television, the first secretary was more argumentative than at the in-person meetings. The programs were notable for the passel of gripes vented, now taking in insufficiencies of a catalogue of everyday articles (matches, dry cell batteries, bed linen, tea kettles, caramels), bribe taking, inflation, miserly pensions, pollution, and sore points of every description. Replying to questions about the unauthorized use of limousines and about bureaucrats who constructed houses with misappropriated materials, Yeltsin cautiously brought up the issue of the privileges of officialdom. The follow-up was a set of unobtrusive countermeasures to curb the use of official cars for driving children to school and wives to shop; family members of the leaders of the oblast party committee and government were now taken to their dachas in a minivan.95 In Moscow several years later, the response was to be more up-front.

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